The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State ( Cambridge Studies in Law and Society) [John Torpey] on *FREE* shipping. Daniel Nordman THE INVENTION OF THE PASSPORT Surveillance, Citizenship and the State John Torpey University of California, Irvine □H CAMBRIDGE. The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State. Front Cover · John Torpey, Professor of Sociology John Torpey. Cambridge University .
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That article has also appeared in French as “Aller et venir: This fact reflected the powerfully local orientation of life and the law, as well as the persistence of mercan- tilist ideas about torppey and the relatively inchoate character of states and the international state system.
Full text of “The invention of the passport : surveillance, citizenship, and the state”
For example, the invrntion du Nord issued regulations in mid-December requiring foreigners inventioon entering its villages and towns to present themselves to the authorities to have their passports checked and to receive or be denied permission to remain.
Declaring that “the health of the Empire requires the most active surveillance,” the National Assembly mandated that every- one – whether French or foreign – traveling within the Kingdom be in possession of a passport. Not without reason, the revolutionary leadership regarded the emigres – as potential enemies of the revolution in league with the King, reactionary priests and nobles, and foreign powers – as a profound threat to its survival. The activities classically associated with the rise of modern pasxport only became possible on a systematic basis if states were in a position successfully to embrace their populations for purposes of carrying out those activities.
No abstract sociological text, this work is notable for its absence of jargon and its solid grounding in historical fact.
Much of the research for this book was carried out while I held ajean Monnet Fellowship at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy during Discussions of states as “penetrating” societies more effec- tively during the modern period can be found in almost any major recent sociological discussion of the nature of modern states. Reflecting this cos- mopolitan view, one contemporary commentator tellingly remarked, “The only foreigners in France are bad citizens. In between these two measures, the Convention – at the advice of the Committees of Public Safety and General Security – banished from France all foreigners who kohn entered the country after 1 January Todd’s endorsement of the project as well as his steadfast support for me and my work have been a source of great satisfaction over the last decade and more; I feel honored to have his friendship and encouragement.
The Breton Codet began the discussion by defending the restrictions anew as a small sacri- fice of liberty in favor of the defense of the larger liberty that, in his view, the revolution had wrought.
In this process, the borders between legal scholarship and the social, political and cultural sciences have been transcended, and the result is a time of fundamental re-thinking both within and about law. On 7 January Assembly Member Le Coz, Bishop of the Breton departement of Ille-et-Vilaine, rose to demand that the Assembly take action on a steady stream of petitions from the departe- ments throughout France which, at least so he claimed, complained of the upsurge in brigandage that had followed the pasport of passport controls, and pleaded with his colleagues for their reestablishment.
The committee then recommended as an “indispensable condition” that every passport include an extract of the person’s municipal declara- tion. Ultimately, the authority to regulate movement came to be primarily a property of the international system as a whole – that is, of nation-states acting in concert to enforce their interests in controlling who comes and goes.
Surely the metaphor of “embrace” helps make better sense of a world of states that are understood to consist of mutually exclusive bodies of citizens whose movements may be restricted as such. The clarification of the legal concept of the foreigner, whose movements were to be restricted as such, would first require much impassioned debate and bureaucratic develop- ment, and would ultimately be forged in the fires of military conflict.
Tor;ey mea- sure was tlrpey when the Assembly learned that “a great number of foreign mendicants” were taking advantage of the poor relief in Paris to the detriment of the indigenous indigent. Borrowing this rhetoric, Marx’s greatest heir and critic, Max Weber, argued that a central feature of the modern experience was the successful expropriation by the state of the “means of violence” from individuals. The University of California at Irvine has been supportive of me and of this project, for which I am grateful.
Beyond simply enunciating definitions and categories concerning identity, states must implement these distinctions, and they require documents in order to do so in individual cases. The issue of identification ID – its reliability, integrity, confidentiality, etc.
Passports – Europe – History – 19th century. Aside from merely authorizing domicile in particular places, certifi- cates of residence were closely tied in to the provision of public welfare, particularly pensions. He recognized that the horse was already out of the barn, and that the best he could do at this point was to seek to control the damage he believed the law would cause. Monopolizing the legitimate means of movement. The judgment of his innocence came none too soon for Montmorin, whose house was being besieged by crowds who held him responsible for facilitating the King’s getaway.
Despite the move to close the borders in response to the King’s flight, the revolutionary Assembly was, like the Parisian authorities, beset by a concern to insure freedom of movement throughout the interior of the country. The invention of the passport. On 18 March Barere, soon to be a member of the Committee of Public Safety, instigated a law that “chased” foreigners from the territory of the Republic.
From National to Postnational? The eligibility for government services, the issuance of various licenses, the assessment of taxes, the right to vote, etc.
Whatever its origins, the habit of viewing freedom of movement as contributing to both liberty and prosperity is a recurrent motif in invenntion discussions of passport restrictions, and a figure of thought that gathered strength with the rising prospects of economic liberalism in nineteenth-century Europe. Toward the end of the year, however, the deputies came around to the view that the restrictions on movement within France, at least, were proving counterproductive.
Torpey No preview available – One member, raising the “who will guard the guards” question, said he would support Thuriot’s proposal only if it also regulated the behav- ior of the frontier municipalities charged with checking whether those leaving the country were going where they had said they would. Alongside Christian JoppkeTorpey has written on the legal and cultural integration of Totpey into Western liberal democracies, comparing the United States, Germany, France, and Canada.
From the point of view of states’ interests in keeping track of populations and their movements, people are little but “stigmata,” appropriately processed for administrative use. This innovative book fhe that documents such as passports, internal passports and related mechanisms have been crucial in making distinctions between citizens and non-citizens.
The “Act for the better Reliefe of the Poore of this Kingdom” of 1 s8 empow- ered the local authorities inventlon remove to their place of legal settlement anyone “likely to be chargeable to the parish” – or, to put it in terms that would later become familiar in American immigration legislation, anyone “likely to become a public charge.
This change had been urged by Delacroix, who insisted that this power be removed from the hands of the ministers who, in his view, were issuing the passports with which the emigres were slipping off to Coblenz to join the enemies of the revolution. The project has been motivated in considerable part by the uneasy feeling that much sociological writing about states is insup- portably abstract, failing to tell us how states actually constitute and maintain themselves as ongoing concerns.
Todd Gitlin also reacted with enthusiasm to the idea of the book.